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Volume 1, Number 2, October - December 1997 Updated Look at Legal Responses to Transsexualism: Especially Three Marriage Cases in U.K., U.S. and New Zealand* By Louis H. Swartz, Ph.D., LL.M., R.N.** *Please address comments to author at: School of Law, State University of New York at Buffalo, Buffalo, New York 14260, U.S.A. Telephone: (**)(1)(716) 645-3010; (Fax) (**)(1)(716) 645-2064. **Revised and expanded version of a paper, "Legal Responses to Transsexualism: Scientific Logic versus Compassionate Flexibility in the U.S. and the U.K.," presented at XIV Harry Benjamin International Symposium, September 7-10, 1995, Kloster Irsee, Bavaria, Germany (Swartz 1995b). Citation: Swartz L. H., M.LL., N R.(1997) Updated Look at Legal Responses to Transsexualism: Especially Three Marriage Cases in U.K., U.S. and New Zealand*. IJT 1,2, http://www.symposion.com/ijt/ijtc0201.htm Abstract Transsexuals' legal problems may include validity of marriage and revision of official
records of identity, such as birth certificates. Subject to an important qualification
stated herein, the paper argues that compassionate, piecemeal legal accommodation to the
situation of transsexuals deserves recognition as a sound legal policy to be followed by
courts, legislatures and administrative bodies. This is contrasted with attempted
scientific deductive logical approaches to legal problems in this area. Three marriage
cases from the U.K. (Corbett), U.S. (M.T.), and New Zealand (Otahuhu),
plus statutes from the U.S., are discussed to illustrate points involved in the argument.
The policy advocated here rests, however, upon the validity of (and public confidence in)
a medical model of transsexualism which is now under substantial challenge, leaving the
basis for this legal policy in need of review. Harry Benjamin and other physicians and health care personnel concerned with transsexualism have always been aware of the importance of legal issues. (Benjamin, 1966; Green, 1992; Green and Money, 1969; Hamburger, et al., 1953). Relevant legal literature pertinent to the United States, the United Kingdom, and elsewhere among common law jurisdictions, is extensive (e.g. Finlay, 1996; Green, 1992, pp. 99-120; Swartz, 1997). This paper seeks not to recapitulate or update existing general legal surveys, but rather to comment upon the two principal competing legal approaches which one encounters in this area, and to call attention to a novel third approach whose import is presently unclear. Finally, the paper briefly notes recent attacks upon various aspects of the medical model of transsexualism and suggests that these may call for a further look at the basis for legal policy. |
| The specific legal focus here relates to decisions in the U.S., U.K. and New Zealand,
concerning validity of legal marriage where one of the parties is a post-operative
transsexual. We mention, as well, statutes, regulations and decisions, in the U.S.,
concerning revision of identity documents such as a birth certificate in cases where a
transsexual individual has made, or is in the process of making, a gender transition. As in an earlier paper (Swartz, 1997) we cite observations by Oliver Wendell Holmes, Jr., which have particular relevance to developing a fruitful understanding of American law. The passage also sets the stage for presenting a contrast, necessarily somewhat simplified for purposes of this brief presentation, between two different modes of thought pertinent to arriving at policy decisions concerning law and transsexualism. Our discussion may be found to have a bearing, also, on approaches to medico-legal issues more generally. Holmes, later to become one of the most distinguished justices of the United States Supreme Court, says the following at the outset of The Common Law, in words probably familiar to every American law student.
People in the U.S. are inclined to believe that the law should change with the times, be up to date, should be practical and realistic. Nevertheless, it must be said that in the case of law pertaining directly or indirectly to sexuality, personal and social ambivalences, as well as a strong moralistic streak in American culture even to this day, tend to complicate and sometimes confound the usual American legal approach (Swartz, 1994). American law tends to be pragmatic, not necessarily consistent or uniform, down to earth and practical in its emphasis. It tends to be piecemeal in its approach and cautious both in terms of formulating broad abstractions and in relying heavily on the persuasive power of conclusions resting mainly on deductions drawn from abstractions. Although he was speaking about a method in philosophy, much of what William James says
about pragmatism sheds light on features often, although not always, found in American
legal method. He refers to "The attitude of looking away from first things,
principles, 'categories,' supposed necessities; and of looking towards last things,
fruits, consequences, facts." (James, 1907, pp. 54-55 [italics in original omitted]).
He comments that "Pragmatism is uncomfortable away from facts" and asserts
perhaps unfairly, "Rationalism is comfortable only in the presence of
abstractions." (James, 1907, p. 67). Finally, for the moment, James speaks
"about truths in the plural" and the fact that "Truth, for [the
pragmatist], becomes a class-name for all sorts of definite working-values in
experience." (James, 1907, pp. 67, 68). Confronted in the mid-1960's with applications by transsexuals (mainly male-to-female) for change of sex on birth certificates, the Board of Health of the City of New York requested the opinion of the Committee on Public Health of the New York Academy of Medicine, as to whether such changes should be granted. The main conclusions approved by the Committee in October 4, 1965 (New York Academy of Medicine, etc., 1966, p. 724) were as follows:
Relying on the above, the New York City Board of Health adopted a resolution that "the Health Code not be amended to provide for a change of sex on birth certificates in cases of transsexuals." The Board of Health also went on record as stating that
The refusal of the Board to grant such requests was upheld in the case of Anonymous v. Weiner, 50 Misc. 2d 380, 270 N.Y.S. 2d 319 (Sup. Ct., N.Y. Co., 1966), which cited the material quoted above. The Law Division of the American Medical Association published a strongly critical response to the Weiner case and New York's actions, noting that at that time ten states had permitted change of sex on the birth certificate of a transsexual who had undergone convertive surgery. The "Conclusion" of this response included the following language especially pertinent to our concerns here.
The Documentation Law Project of the International Conference on Transgender Law and Employment Policy (ICTLEP) is presently in the process of researching and discussing practical procedures for dealing with statutes and administrative regulations concerning legal documents of special relevance to transsexuals, such as drivers' licenses, birth certificates, and passports. Detailed coverage has thus far included, inter alia, the U.S. federal government, California, Texas, New York, Oregon and Washington state. (International Conference, etc., 1993, 1994, 1995). Other literature, some of it now quite dated, includes several partial surveys of American states, including birth certificate provisions. (See Swartz, 1997, for references.) In the U.K., McMullan and Whittle (1994) discuss these matters in practical detail. Some American states have enacted statutes specifically providing for change of sex on birth certificates in cases of transsexual gender transition. See, e.g., Cal. Health and Safety Code §10475; La.R.S. 40:62; Or.Rev.Stat. §§432.290(5), 33.460, and Va. Code §32.1-269.E. Not all have done so. Some of the other states interpret their statutes as allowing for such record changes while others do not. The U.K. does not. (McMullan & Whittle, 1994; Swartz, 1997). We should note that in a different problem situation involving requests for new or
revised birth certificates, namely, in cases of legal adoption of a child, a positive
legislative response has been much more likely to be forthcoming. Such new/revised birth
certificates are often authorized. Of necessity these new/revised documents work to
conceal the fact of parenthood by adoption unless extraordinary court ordered access to
the original record is allowed, which is possible but unlikely. A misleading impression of
biology, but not of the psychological and social connection between child and adoptive
parent, is created. It is conceivable that this could lead to fraud or other harm, but on
balance the cause is regarded as a worthy one. Many legislatures make a pragmatic,
compassionate accommodation providing for such cases. See, e.g., N.Y. Public Health Law
§4138. a. Corbett The Corbett case in the U.K. in 1970 has had an effect which lasts until this day. Corbett v. Corbett (otherwise Ashley), 2 W.L.R. 1306, 2 All E.R. 33 (P.D.A. 1970), [1971] P. 83. The case illustrates for us an emphasis upon priority of abstract principles coupled with a logical-deductive approach. Corbett also points up a familiar confounding of medical concepts and terminology with legal policy questions, an intermingling which receives comment later in this paper. Interestingly, the case was decided by a judge who also had medical qualifications. This high publicity case involved the validity of the marriage of April Ashley, a post-operative male-to-female transsexual, registered at birth as male and raised as a male. The husband was Arthur Corbett, a wealthy male who prior to the marriage knew the facts of this gender transition. The marriage took place in Gibraltar in 1963. The couple were together after marriage for only 14 days, although their relationship before marriage had lasted about three years. Each sought a declaration of nullity of the marriage, but for different reasons. The request of Corbett was granted. An action for maintenance by Ashley in 1966 had led to the initiation of this petition, in 1967, by Corbett challenging the validity of the marriage. Dr. Burou, practicing in Casablanca, performed the sex-reassignment surgery in this case, including the partial removal and conversion of male genitalia so as to construct an artificial vagina. Dr. Burou declined to participate in this case in any way. Prior to surgery, Ashley had been taking female hormones and living as a female. We omit from this discussion portions of the opinion ruling that the marriage had not, in law, involved a marital sexual consummation. After reviewing the evidence, Ormrod, J., proceeded in a strictly deductive manner.
Marriage "is essentially a relationship between man and woman... ." "The question...becomes what is meant by the word 'woman' in the context of a marriage." "Having regard to the essentially heterosexual character of...marriage, the criteria must...be biological." Only a biological female is "a person who is naturally capable of performing the essential role of a woman in a marriage." The law should adopt the medical criteria of sex at birth, namely, "the chromosomal, gonadal and genital tests, and if all three are congruent [at birth, as in this case], determine the sex for the purpose of marriage accordingly, and ignore any operative intervention." The court briefly referred to a number of logically puzzling inconsistencies which exist if gender and gender identity were taken into account. "The results would be nothing if not bizarre. ...Marriage is a relationship which depends on sex and not on gender." ([1970] 2 All E.R. at 48). Let us restate the major premises in a brief set of sentences. Marriage is a relationship between a man and woman. Only a biological female has the natural capability to perform the essential role of a woman in marriage. Biological sex as a female is fixed by the time of birth, can usually be ascertained by medical inquiry in connection with birth registration, and cannot be changed. Minor premise: The individual calling herself April Ashley was identified at birth, by genitals and gonads, as male, and more recently by chromosomal tests during the trial as male. Conclusion. "My conclusion, therefore, is that the respondent is not a woman for the purposes of marriage but is a biological male and has been such since birth. It follows that the so-called marriage of 10th September 1963 is void." ([1970] 2 All E.R. at 49). b. M.T. v. J.T. We look, by way of contrast, at the case of M.T. v. J.T., 140 N.J.Super. 77, 355 Atl. 2d 204, cert. denied, 71 N.J. 345, 364 Atl. 2d 1076 (1976), a case decided by the Appellate Division of the Superior Court of New Jersey, which--as with Corbett--involved the validity of the marriage of a male and a post-operative male-to-female transsexual. Again, there was no fraud as between the parties, the male having cooperated with the female, the plaintiff here, in obtaining her sex reassignment surgery. This case arose in connection with a legal suit by the wife for support, following the couple's separation after two years of marriage. Dr. Charles L. Ihlenfeld, a specialist in gender issues, had diagnosed the plaintiff as a transsexual, and had been her medical doctor prior to, during, and after her male-to-female sex reassignment therapy. He, as well as others, testified at the trial. The marital couple had known each other, and had lived together, prior to the wife's surgery. A year after her surgery they married in New York state, and then moved to New Jersey. They lived together as husband and wife for two years and had intercourse (penis in surgically constructed vagina) during that time. Thereafter, the husband left, stopped financial support, and the wife sued for support. At the trial, in spite of the defendant husband's objection that there was no lawful marriage, it was ruled that the plaintiff was a female and that defendant was her husband, and there being no fraud, the husband was ordered to pay $50 a week support. This result was affirmed in a unanimous decision by the three judges of the appellate court, in an opinion by Handler, J.A.D. The court explicitly rejected the reasoning of the Corbett case. The opinion of the court built upon law review commentary (especially Smith, 1971), and adopted a functional approach to determining sex for purposes of legal marriage in cases involving transsexual gender dysphoria. Where a discordance develops between anatomical sex at birth and gender identity, and where that discordance is diagnosed as transsexualism by medical authority and is corrected by irreversible medical therapy including surgery, and where that corrective therapy brings with it sexual capacity to function for purposes of sexual intercourse in the new gender role, then anatomy and subjective gender identity have been harmonized in a way which the law will recognize for purposes of marriage. The person with gender dysphoria is suffering. By taking actions which are irreversible, medical therapy has helped relieve that suffering, and has brought about a harmony of the physical and the psychological, which the law should recognize. "Such recognition will promote the individual's quest for inner peace and personal happiness, while in no way disserving societal interest, principle of public order or precept of morality." (355 Atl. 2d at 211). A brief analytic discussion of the medical model of transsexualism, upon which the
reasoning of this decision rests, appears later in this paper. Discussion of the above Two Approaches a. Multiple angles of vision: multiple partial truths It has sometimes been assumed in the medical profession that medicine is based upon science and that, when it comes to medico-legal matters, the law--through the actions of persons such as judges, legislators and administrative officials--should conform itself to the universal truths of science as these truths are articulated by physicians. As a lawyer who spent a number of the earlier years of his career focusing on problems of law and psychiatry, especially the defense of insanity (irresponsibility) in criminal law, in connection with the American Law Institute's Model Penal Code, I can well remember vigorous representations by distinguished psychiatrists to this effect. Often included in that view of medico-legal matters is the belief that, in any domain covered by medical expertise, medical concepts and terminology should be given effect in deciding medico-legal issues. It is argued that this is what an enlightened respect for science requires. Thus the seemingly logical conclusion is drawn that words should not mean one thing in modern medicine but something different in contemporary law. If that incongruity were to occur then law would continue to be "a ass", as it was long ago said to be by one of Dickens characters. b. Medico-legal matters: "the fallacy of misplaced concreteness" As said by Lon Fuller, "law is the enterprise of subjecting human conduct to the governance of rules." (Fuller, 1969, p. 106). Hence law is concerned with governance, dispute resolution, and legal justice. By way of contrast, medicine and natural science are not primarily concerned with governance. In the formulation, and in the revision, of medical and scientific terms and concepts it is not very likely that questions of legal dispute resolution have been considered; certainly they have not been given overriding importance. The angle of vision of medicine is different, and the objectives of medicine are quite properly different from those of law. In referring to the "fallacy of misplaced concreteness" the philosopher Alfred North Whitehead (Whitehead, 1925) called attention to the fact that our abstractions do not exhaust the richness of underlying reality. The fallacy consists in mistakenly assuming that any particular set of abstractions actually consists of, and exhausts, that reality and what can usefully or truthfully be said about it. Law deals, inter alia, with human meanings, especially their significance for legal governance, legal dispute resolution, and the achievement of justice under law in a free society. The meanings of such things as human anatomy, physiology, and psychosocial functioning, for purposes of particular kinds of legal governance and dispute resolution, are not necessarily the same as medical and scientific meanings and significances. Different angles of vision, taken with different purposes in mind, may lead to different pictures of reality and may thus lead to different conclusions. c. Sex at birth: fact or prediction? Phyllis Frye of the International Conference on Transgender Law and Employment Policy (ICTLEP) asserts that designation of sex on a birth certificate (usually done in the U.S. by a physician) does not involve merely a statement of observed medical fact, as is usually assumed. It is more accurately seen as involving an implicit prediction, usually correct, based upon observed medical fact. (See Frye, 1995). The observed medical fact concerns the structure of neonatal genitalia as falling within the range of typically male or typically female. The prediction--so often true that its contingent and probabilistic aspect has in the past not usually been recognized--is that, as this infant grows further into childhood and then into adulthood, there will be a congruence between the anatomical indicia of sex (male or female) already noted, and an emerging subjective gender identity, yet to develop. One might therefore say, in cases of transsexual gender dysphoria, that in filling out an infant's birth certificate the physician made a mistake, a mistake in predicting the emerging congruence of psyche and soma. From this point of view revision of legal documents of the transsexual, such as a birth certificate, involves not a sex change but documentary correction of an error, an error in prediction. Ordinarily such predictions are so trustworthy that for practical purposes they can be regarded as statements of fact. It is only in unusual cases that such predictions turn out to be wrong, and then--it is argued--they should be corrected without any special need for apology. From this different angle of vision the original record contains what is now revealed to be a non-negligent misstatement. Pragmatically interpreted, we are thus merely dealing with correction of a relatively uncommon type of official documentary error. This would seem, then, no longer to present a direct conflict with the highly conservative position stated in the Corbett case ([1970] 2 All E.R. at 47), and by others elsewhere, that "The only cases where the term 'change of sex' is appropriate are those in which a mistake as to sex is made at birth and subsequently revealed by further medical investigation." d. Two Competing Policies: Corbett and M.T. We have seen a contrast in the Corbett and M.T. v. J.T. cases between syllogistic deduction and a pragmatic groping for solutions, a compassionate accommodation of legal policy to a novel, relatively uncommon problem. Moreover, the problem or dilemma involves a medical condition which is not the fault of the person involved. Can the law be adjusted to allow for a better possibility of human happiness in these relatively few, relatively well-defined cases, without too greatly straining and impairing the effectiveness and credibility of general principles of social ordering in the very large number of cases not characterized by these anomalies? To some observers it will seem that the purportedly logical conclusion involved in Corbett's syllogism is foretold, a priori, in the shaping of the major premise. "Natural sex" is defined in the major premise as something unchangeable. Problem solving by such a method becomes, unfortunately, not an affirmation of science but rather an unacknowledged tautology. In the birth certificate situation the American Medical Association's Law Division
comment (Morse and Hall, 1968) clearly points up factors pushing in the direction of a
nuanced, flexible approach. Not all legislatures and courts will be persuaded.
Nevertheless, they should at least recognize the legitimacy of a careful pragmatism, no
more flying in the face of science than in the case of statutes authorizing new/revised
birth certificates in cases of adoption. Such legislators and jurists may then be of a
mind to give more serious consideration to applying to the legal problems of transsexuals
a mode of thought openly involving a rich and more complex interplay between facts,
principles, precedents, and humane, practical results. A Recent Novel Approach: Otahuhu Attorney-General v. Otahuhu Family Court, [1995] 1 NZLR 603 (New Zealand High Court, Wellington, decided November 30, 1994; Ellis, J.) is an important decision, whose meaning and whose rationale is--with due respect--quite unclear, and whose soundness should be regarded as gravely in doubt. The fact that the High Court refused to follow Corbett is part of what gives this decision international significance within common law jurisdictions. This was an application by the Attorney-General "on behalf of the Registrar of Births, Deaths and Marriages for a declaration as to whether two persons of the same sex genetically determined may by the law of New Zealand enter into a valid marriage where one of the parties to the proposed marriage has adopted the sex opposite to that of the proposed marriage partner through sexual reassignment by means of surgery or hormone administration or both or by any other medical means." Otahuhu at 604. Mr. J. C. Pike, a solicitor for the Crown Law Office (Wellington) appeared for the Attorney-General and "informed the Court that the Registrar needed the position clarified and preferred not to support any position." Ms. Vivienne Ullrich "appeared as a friend of the Court and presented argument supporting an affirmative answer, and so Mr. Pike argued to the contrary." Id. at 604. Ms. Ullrichs amended submissions were made part of the Courts judgment. These submissions make mention of medical evidence, but the detailed and specific extent of that evidence, as opposed to the conclusions formulated by Ms. Ullrich, is not spelled out. The Declaration of the Court was "that for the purposes of...[the relevant statute], where a person has undergone surgical and medical procedures that have effectively given that person the physical conformation of a person of a specified sex, there is no lawful impediment to that person marrying as a person of that sex." Id. at 607-608. The Court considered that "this somatic test is an adequate test." Id. at 607. When the Registrar may be in doubt, "a medical examination can be arranged and opinions obtained to enable the Registrar to reach his own conclusion." Id. at 608. In rejecting Corbett, among the cases which the High Court cited with approval was M.T. v. J.T., New Jersey Appellate Division of the Superior Court, as well as the decision of the New Zealand Family Court in M v. M, [1991] NZFL 337, and Australias New South Wales Court of Appeal in R. v. Harris (1988) 17 NSWLR 158, a criminal case. The opinion and submissions are devoid of any reference to disagreement within the medical community, nor to variations in medical practice, with respect to diagnosis and treatment of transsexualism, except for the following two points touched upon in the submissions. Ms. Ullrich mentions the possible reluctance of female-to-male transsexuals to attempt surgical phalloplasty, because of the surgical difficulties involved. Id. at 614. The Declaration does not make any clear pronouncement about this. Ms. Ullrich also makes an intriguing observation near the close of her submissions. "Many [transsexuals] will not undergo surgery." Id. at 630. This seems to be part of the argument in favor of granting a revised marital capacity to those who do undergo surgery. Although it may be perilous to attempt a brief summary of the rationale of this decision, four features of the Courts explanation in support of its Declaration stand out. These are: (1) lack of social advantage in ruling otherwise, (2) bringing law into conformity with factual reality once a person has undergone somatic change, (3) lack of harm to anyone because of this ruling, and (4) consistency, and hence fairness; since "society allows" people to undergo the medical and surgical somatic changes of which the opinion speaks, "then it ought also to allow such persons to function as fully as possible in their reassigned sex, and this must include the capacity to marry." Id. at 607. The Court appears to this writer to be strangely equivocal as to whether its decision rests upon a medical model of transsexualism or rests upon a libertarian model of drastic voluntary somatic modification achieved with medical and surgical help. Much of the opinion seems to be attempting to refer to a medical model of transsexualism without using a psychiatric vocabulary. Yet the test laid down by the Declaration is merely a test of physical appearance, moreover, a test whose meaning and administration in practice seems likely to be highly variable. Bringing law into conformity with the facts, as mentioned by the Court, is a strange argument since the "facts" are in conflict, which is the reason for bringing the matter to court, and what is relevant is their legal significance. It may be that the medical and surgical changes of which the Court speaks can only be obtained in New Zealand from professionals who function according to the highest professional standards, including standards concerning sex reassignment therapies. (See Standards of Care, 1990/1997.) The Court does not discuss this. But elsewhere in the world, for a price, this is not always the case. An amputation undertaken for good medical reason is properly regarded by law as treatment. But without good medical reason, the same physical result should be regarded as grotesque mutilation, and hardly fits within what the Court says "society allows." With respect to causing harm, the Court does not seem adequately to have considered the fact that some male-to-female transsexuals do not seek removal of male gonads and genitalia, and some professionals now do not necessarily include this as part of sex reassignment (Bockting & Coleman, 1992). The Declaration of the Court says, in effect, that those male-to-female transsexuals who wish to have new marital capacity should undertake this drastic bodily change whether they otherwise wish it or not; similarly it would seem, female-to-male transsexuals should attempt surgical construction of a phallus, even if undesired and useless for intercourse, if they are to have a revised legal capacity to marry. Why? Will people truly be better off having this surgery which medically they apparently dont need? It is one thing to give legal recognition to surgery which is necessary. It is another thing to create a legal inducement to have drastic genital surgery which, in the cases in question, is at best optional, may be unwanted, and may from a medical point of view carry substantial risk to the person involved. Finally, the Courts argument about the implications which allegedly follow from societys "allowing" medical and surgical sex reassignment therapies seems to an outsider, at least, to be unsound. The argument is an invitation to detailed state regulation of medical practice. But the general understanding in the U.S. and the U.K. has been that it is much better to leave these matters to professional medical self-governance and to patient and physician decision-making within the broad framework of that self-governance. There is no indication in the opinion that the prevailing general understanding in New Zealand has been any different. Moreover, the Court itself makes it clear that its ruling is restricted to marital capacity. Apparently the Court, now itself inconsistent, wishes to make it clear that other legal incidents of male-female identity, such as matters of "the criminal law, and the law of succession," need not be dealt with in the same way. Id. at 607. The Otahuhu Court speaks several times about transsexuals, as does the friend of
the court in her appended submissions. But the test laid down in the Courts
Declaration does not do this. It speaks solely in terms of drastic body modification. The
question of why radical cosmetic surgery and body changes produced by massive doses of
hormones, by themselves and without subjective inquiry and competent medical testimony,
should result in new marital capacity is not answered by the New Zealand High Court. It
can be argued that separated from a sound medical rationale which legitimates and requires
such drastic somatic changes, we are talking about self-injury and mutilation. The fact
that a "compelling desire" may be involved should not blur the distinction
between gruesome self-injury or what some cultural commentators may perhaps call body art,
on the one hand, and what has been said to be desperately required medical and surgical
treatment, on the other hand. The Court fails to see that there is, and ought to be, a
profound difference between these categories with respect to legal policy and legal
results. Medical Model and Medical Rationale: A New Paradigm? The legal policy of compassionate piecemeal accommodation with respect to the situation of transsexuals, advocated here, finds its clearest and most elaborate official expression in the New Jersey case of M.T. v. J.T. (1976). In this writers view, that policy rests in major part upon medical assertions and medical facts of the kind found in the testimony of Dr. Charles L. Ihlenfeld who testified for the plaintiff in that case, and in similar contemporary medical literature. We refer to a series of elements explicitly present, or present by reasonable implication, in the medical model put forward there. These elements include: (l) a well-defined medical condition; (2) the ability of medical experts to diagnose this condition in a trustworthy manner, and to distinguish it from other conditions with which it must not be confused; (3) the clarity and fixity of the individuals subjective male-female sex identity, different from that indicated by their genitalia and other bodily characteristics; (4) the necessity of hormonal plus genital surgical sex reassignment in these cases, as the only known means of curing the great psychological distress involved in this condition. Furthermore, it was asserted as an implication of the medical model that (5) for a full cure to have a chance to occur, society and the law would have to cooperate by accepting the person as female or male, in accordance with this medically arranged reassignment; otherwise the beneficial effects of psychological, hormonal and surgical treatment would be thwarted, and the individual would not have the chance for a happy life. Many of these elements now seem to be under substantial challenge, both by distinguished professionals and also by persons who are transsexuals or who claim to speak on behalf of transsexuals. (See, e.g., Bockting & Coleman, 1992; Bullough, 1997, passim; Pauly, 1992.) To take but one prominent example, we may cite authors associated with the University of Minnesotas Gender Dysphoria Program and Program in Human Sexuality, who speak about their comprehensive approach to the treatment of gender dysphoria.
(Bockting & Coleman, 1992, p. 144)
(Bockting & Coleman, 1992, p. 134) One of these authors (Bockting, 1997, pp. 51, 48) writes of a "(trans)gender paradigm shift" which is evidenced by "an emerging transgender consciousness"; and there is much other literature congruent with this, which speaks enthusiastically about revising and expanding our ideas about sex identities. The above "comprehensive approach" with respect to treatment of gender dysphoria, and a "transgender consciousness" which is found both in some professional literature and in popular culture, may or may not be sound medically, scientifically, socially. We do not attempt to assess that here. These views, which may or may not be reflective of much wider professional opinion, certainly are very different from what can be called the classical medical model of transsexualism, upon which the M.T. decision rests. We conclude by saying that persons concerned with legal policy need to take note of the
possibility that fundamental medical views, and the dominant medical consensus about
transsexualism (e.g., Standards of Care, 1990/1997), may have changed. The consensus may
have eroded. If so, as precedent, M.T. may stand on shaky ground, or even be
obsolete. Perhaps it may turn out to be the case that courts and legislatures will want to
join the "emerging transgender consciousness". How, in terms of legal result,
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