|
|
Chapter 3: Follow-up studies in chronological order
Hastings, 1974
Dept. of Psychiatry, University of Minnesota Medical
School, Minneapolis, MN, USA
This follow-up study stems
from one of the first and most renowned gender identity
clinics in the United States, whose establishment was
even published in Lancet (Hastings & Blum, 1967). The
follow-up studies by Kando (1973) and Hastings &
Markland (1978) are from the same research and treatment
project. The latter mentioned publication is almost
identical with this one, except that there the two case
studies of patients that were not included in the
statistics are omitted.
| Sample |
Females
(MFT) |
| Operated and followed-up* |
25 |
| *Out of many hundreds of
requests, patients were accepted into the
treatment program if they were of age, their
residence was in the state of Minnesota, they
were not married, did not have a severe criminal
record and, until then, never had a manifest
psychotic illness. With high probability it is
the total sample of the transsexuals operated in
the report time period at the University Clinic
Minneapolis, if the patients with unfavorable
courses not included in the statistics but
mentioned in the case studies are added. Kando
(1973) who analyzed the same group, resp., a
partial sample of it, talks about 26 females. The
time period of the surgery was December 1966
until March 1969; 21 of the 25 surgeries were
performed in the year 1968. |
| Age at
Time of Surgery |
| Mean |
28.8 years |
| Range |
21-55 years |
| Follow-up
Time Since Surgery |
| Mean |
5 years |
Study
Methods
The follow-up study was done at two times:
Immediately after surgery, clinical impressions were
recorded and about five years after surgery a
semi-standardized follow-up study was done.
Evaluation Fields and
Criteria
Immediately post-surgically, it was
evaluated how the patient reacted to the procedure. The
author was interested in four questions by which he took
data systematically: Was there a mourning reaction
because of the loss of genitals? Was there phantom
pain? Did a psychosis happen after surgery? Was there a
demand for other procedures (breast augmentation, Adam's
apple reduction) immediately post-surgically ?
Five years post-surgically, the economic, sexual,
social and mental constitution of the females were
evaluated on a four-step scale each. The scales were
defined as follows (pp. 337-339):
| Economic |
|
| Excellent |
Completely
self-supporting. Saved money to pay for surgery; |
| Good |
Self-supporting
most of time but occasional periods on welfare
support; |
| Fair |
On
welfare support most of time but occasionally
self-supporting; |
| Fail |
Continuously
on welfare support, orentirely dependent on
family or friends. |
| |
|
| Sexual |
|
| Excellent |
Constantly
orgastic with coitus; often experiences multiple
orgasm; |
| Good |
Usually
experiences orgasm with coitus; |
| Fair |
Rarely
experiences orgasm with coitus; |
| Fail |
Never experiences
orgasm with coitus |
| |
|
| Social |
|
| Excellent
|
has
melted into the environment of a neighborhood and
friends do not consider her anything but a
natural female. Has little or no contact with
former transsexual friends. May become involved
in community affairs. |
| Good |
has
made a reasonably good adjustment to the
nontranssexual world. Under periods of stresshas
reverted to "masculine" behavior
(although rarely) such as fighting, cursing and
the like. Has not supported herself by
prostitution, nor are there any postoperative
arrests or police inquiries for any cause. |
| Fair |
has
not become a consistent part of a
"straight"community and most friends,
as before surgery, are transsexuals. Frequents
gay bars. In periods of unemployment supports
herself by public prostitution and may have a
history of multiple arrests. Usually well known
to morals squad of local police. |
| Fail
|
Social
adjustments are no better thanpreoperatively and
may be worse. Usuallycombines striptease dancing
in gay bars withprostitution as moonlighting.
Multiple arrests by morals squad and will have
been jailed at least once. Identifies with no
established social group and is regarded by
fellow transsexuals as an undesirable
"mess" although she evokes sympathy
from them. |
| |
|
| Emotional |
|
| Excellent |
no
postoperative history of psychosis including that
induced by drugs. No neurotic symptoms of any
moment. Adjusts well to stress. No
self-administered drugs. |
| Good |
no
postoperative history of psychosis including that
induced by drugs. May report mild, short-lasting
periods of depression wen "things go
wrong" (usually an unsatisfactory romance).
But usually adjusts well to stress and copes with
most life situations without emotional trouble of
a degree that causes her to seek
"outside" help. |
| Fair |
no
history of psychosis including that induced by
drugs but may be a frequent drugtaker on a
self-administered basis. Often abuses alcohol.
Has had feelings of depression and despair with
suicidal ideation around a "broken"
romance or because the artificial vagina either
is not as deep as the patient or her sexual
partners wishes. Occasionally may be disturbed
and upset because breasts are not large enough. |
| Fail
|
history
of psychotic episode, drug-induced delirium since
surgery, or serious otional problems, including
addiction, which have required psychiatric
hospitalization. May have made suicidal attempts. |
Results
For the time immediately post-surgically
the following results are shared: (1) all patients were
post-surgically very relieved that surgery was done and
did not have phantom pain; (2) In the first days
following surgery some patients asked if further
procedures were possible; (3) No patient was psychotic
immediately post-surgically; (4) There was no mourning
reaction about the loss of the penis and testes.
Long-term post-surgically in accordance to the
above-mentioned criteria in the category economics the
situation of 11 females was characterized as excellent,
for three as good, for three as fair and for eight as
being a failure. In the sexual category the
results are classified for ten as being excellent, four
as good, two as fair and nine as failures. The bad
results are, according to the opinion of the author, in
direct relationship to the poor quality of surgical
outcomes. Frequently corrective surgery was necessary,
which partially did not have success either. In the social
area the results are evaluated for six as excellent,
for eight as good, for three as fair and for eight as
failures. Those females who are not adapted socially
were, according to the indications of the author, already
pre-surgically "sociopaths."
Case
Studies
For each patient there are annotated short
commentaries. Further, there are two case studies of
patients who were not included in the follow-up study
(see below).
Suicide Attempts/Role
Re-reversal
By subjective evaluation by the females, about
every second one was saved from suicide by surgery.
"Most" (p. 335), had attempted suicide before
surgery. Three females made, mostly in connection with a
partnership crisis, post-surgical suicide attempts - one
of them three times.
One patient with an unstable history with a long-year
jail term and alcohol dependency cut his penis off with a
razor blade at age 35. Only after this was he accepted by
treatment by the author, who wanted to observe him for a
longer time. The patient was then again admitted
stationarily in a psychiatric institution because he had
also cut off his testes and wanted to force a
vaginoplasty by a threat of suicide. With this threat, he
finally had success. Post-surgically this patient
developed a paranoid psychosis. Later on he lived as a
male and stabilized himself by it.
The second patient was a 22-year-old male with a typical
transsexual history. He was started in the year 1967 on
an estrogen treatment and was supposed to be operated the
following year. He stopped the operation on short notice,
had a religious conversion and abandoned the desire for
sex reassignment.
Authors' Conclusion
"The general success rate of personal
satisfaction on the part of most patients has averaged
good. Not excellent, but good" (p. 344). The author
considers surgical sex reassignment as the best that
presently can be offered. "Nothing else holds
promise. Granted that the surgical route is difficult and
clearly second-best to a method of preventing these
tragic reversals of gender identity and role, yet it
seems to be all that there is to offer at present"
(p. 344). The author evaluates his results cautiously in
the regard of a generalization. The case number is too
small to present a really scientifically secure result.
About the possible accusation that the results would be
distorted because the author and treatment provider were
identical, he said, "I have compensated for bias by
being overly harsh on the ratings of patients. Where bias
and error have crept in, I think it credible to state
that the error tends to be on the pessimistic side."
(pp. 343-344).
Remarks
The research is important because, for the
first time, even though they are vague, valuing scales to
evaluate the post-surgical situation were defined. These
first scales became the model for all later follow-up
studies insofar as they used valuing scales. The research
shows how scientifically -- but also how naively -- the
problem of transsexualism was worked on. When the first
patient with transsexual symptoms came to the clinic in
1964, a long-term research project was established with
the perspective of a follow-up study after ten years and
this was immediately publicized. The number of inquiries
of (potential) patients increased so that -- mostly
formal -- limitations to admittance had to be introduced.
The paper discussed here reflects the results at
half-time of the project. Exact figures about how many
patients were actually accepted into the program (in
reality) are not reflected.
From the beginning the problem of control groups was
recognized and discussed. The attempt to use a waiting
group as a control group was deemed not realizable
because the patients went to other treatment centers.
With the planned long follow-up periods of ten years, it
could not be expected from any patient to wait so long.
At least the research by Kando (1973) was attached to the
project.
It is notable how little content questions are analyzed
in the much-announced scientific project (Hastings &
Blum, 1967), such as, for example, the differential
diagnosis or the type of psychiatric, resp.,
psychotherapeutic treatment. It is almost not to be
learned that patients with psychoses were not admitted.
Of what the treatment consisted in between the initial
psychiatric examination and the surgery, resp., between
surgery and follow-up study, is not mentioned. It can
also not be discerned if it was expected of a patient to
live in the required gender role, or for how long, before
starting somatic interventions.
Questionable -- and even viewed critically later on by
the author -- was an experimental intent in the project
that spurted the appearance as if differential diagnostic
thoughts were used rather carelessly: "One member of
the Gender Committee had had a long-term interest in
sociopathy and was curious to see if high estrogen dosage
and surgery might alter the condition for the better. If
there is one follow-up conclusion that can be made with
assurance at this stage, it is that estrogens and sex
reassignment surgery do not alter the sociopath
transsexual. He is as sociopathic five years after
surgery as he was before it" (p. 336).
The proposition to take digital prints from all patients
to check throughout the country if they had not committed
a crime at some time seems to be odd. With such an
uncommon measure in the frame of a medical treatment, one
has to ask the question if there are not other motives
than those used to justify it. The motive that somebody
could try to evade persecution by law by means of a sex
reassignment surgery seems to be very far-fetched and far
from any clinical reality. This is why it should be
questioned if it wasn't a projective defense mechanism of
the project workers who spurted this to keep the fear in
check that they were breaking laws by the treatment
offer.
Finally, the publication contains a remark that is to be
heard in many variations in the literature about
transsexualism and even more frequently with dialogues
with medical professionals and psychologists who work
with the problem of transsexualism: "The
psychopathic, manipulative, demanding transsexual patient
is the one who may occasionally cause the surgeon and
psychiatrist to wish that they had never become involved
with a transsexual program" (p. 338). We will talk
about this theme in the final chapter.
|